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Extended family members have long played a role in caring for children when their parents were unavailable or unable to do so — a practice commonly referred to as "kinship care." In 2000, approximately 3 million children were living with neither of their parents; 2.2 million of these were living with relatives.(1)
But kinship care families appear to be a particularly vulnerable group. Kinship caregivers are older, more likely to be single, more likely to have less education and lower incomes, and more likely to report being in poor health than parent caregivers (U.S. DHHS, 2000a). Compared to children in parent care, kinship care children score lower on measures of cognitive, physical, and psycho-social well-being (Ehrle, Geen, and Clark, 2001).
Public support for kinship care families, if provided at all, has traditionally come from income assistance or child welfare agencies. Amendments to the 1950 Social Security Act offered relatives two ways to receive Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) for children in their care. First, poor relative caretakers could apply for assistance for themselves and for the children just like any other needy family. Second, caregivers could, regardless of their income, receive payment for only the child or children in their care, a "child-only" grant. The 1950 amendments noted that this second scenario was permitted because relatives were not legally required to care for the child. The Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program which replaced AFDC in 1996, does not guarantee relative caregivers access to financial assistance, but all states except Wisconsin have continued this entitlement.
In contrast, child welfare agencies have only recently begun to support kinship care. When the Adoption Assistance and Child Welfare Act of 1980 was passed, forming the basis of federal foster care policy, it was very rare for a child's relative to act as a foster parent. Today, child welfare agencies increasingly consider kin as the first placement choice when foster care is needed and kin are available to provide a safe home. Kin meeting state licensing standards typically receive foster care payments when caring for children in state custody.(2)
Child welfare and TANF policy makers have been paying much greater attention to kinship care recently as it is a growing share of both the foster care and TANF caseloads. In addition, some policy makers have questioned whether government support of kinship care may provide an unintended incentive for parents to abandon their children or for kin to seek out child welfare involvement. In the past few years, many states and localities have begun to develop new strategies for meeting the needs of kin outside of their traditional foster care or TANF programs. This report highlights information collected about states' efforts to design such alternative programs for kin.
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Between 1983 and 1985 and again between 1992 and 1993(3), the number of children in kinship care grew at a slightly faster rate than the number of children in the United States as a whole — 8.4 percent compared to 6.6 percent (Harden, Clark, and Maguire, 1997). Many researchers argue that the growth of kinship care during this period was a result of greater pressures on the nuclear family, due to social ills such as increased rates of homelessness, drug and alcohol abuse, juvenile delinquency, AIDS, and child abuse and neglect (Hornby, Zeller, and Karraker, 1995; Spar, 1993). Since 1994, however, both the number and prevalence of kinship care children has decreased.(4)
The number of children in non-kin foster care has doubled since 1983 and available evidence suggests that kinship foster care increased substantially during the late 1980s and 1990s (Boots and Geen, 1999; Harden et al., 1997; Kusserow, 1992). Data on the number of foster children cared for by relatives is limited, with estimates varying from about 150,000 (U.S. DHHS, 2001) to 200,000 (Ehrle et al., 2001). In addition, states' use of kin as foster parents varies significantly with kinship foster care accounting for more than half of all placements in some states (U.S. DHHS, 2000c) and very few placements in others.
| Child welfare agencies have developed a more positive attitude toward the use of kin as foster parents as research has demonstrated that children may suffer less trauma when placed with someone they already know. |
Several factors have contributed to the growth in kinship foster care. While the number of children requiring placement outside the home has increased, the number of non-kin foster parents has declined. In addition, child welfare agencies have developed a more positive attitude toward the use of kin as foster parents as research has demonstrated that children may suffer less trauma when placed with someone they already know. Finally, several federal and state court rulings have recognized the rights of relatives to act as foster parents and to be compensated financially for that role.
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Since the federal government began funding foster care through the child welfare system, it has carefully regulated states' foster care practices, imposing standards and procedural safeguards and defining the types of children for which states may claim federal reimbursement. Federal child welfare policies, however, have remained fairly silent on states' treatment of kin foster parents. As a result, some states treat kin foster parents like non-kin foster parents, while some treat the two groups differently.
In the late 1970s and 1980s, as more children in need of foster care entered the child welfare system, states began to consider kin a viable placement option. Around the same time, Congress passed two laws that promoted states' use of kin as foster parents. First, through the Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978, federal policy stated that in Native American placements, a child should be "within reasonable proximity to his or her home . . ." and that states should aim to place the child with "a member of the Indian child's extended family. . . ." Second, the Adoption Assistance and Child Welfare Act of 1980 mandated that a state's foster care placement should be the "least restrictive, most family-like setting available located in close proximity to the parent's home, consistent with the best interests and special needs of the child." Many states interpreted this act as an implicit preference for the use of kin as foster caregivers, and several states began to enact laws that explicitly preferred kin.
More recently, the 1997 Adoption and Safe Families Act (ASFA) and the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) have articulated federal support of kinship foster care. ASFA indicates that "a fit and willing relative" can provide a "planned permanent living arrangement" and that termination of parental rights does not have to occur within the allotted time frame if, "at the option of the state, the child is being cared for by a relative." Although PRWORA is known as the legislation that reshaped the nation's cash assistance landscape, it also requires states to "consider giving preference to an adult relative over a non-related caregiver when determining a placement for a child, provided that the relative caregiver meets all relevant state child protection standards."
| Given the limited federal guidance, state kinship care policies vary significantly in the ways in which kinship caregivers are assessed and supported. |
Given the limited federal guidance, state kinship care policies vary significantly in the ways in which kinship caregivers are assessed and supported (Leos-Urbel et al., 2000). In 1999, 10 states required kin to meet the same foster care licensing standards as non-kin. In the remaining 41 states, kin could choose to be assessed by a different standard, which often resulted in a smaller payment (TANF child-only or kin-specific payment). Sixteen states applied non-kin foster care licensing standards to kin but waived or modified one or more of the standards that would not be waived for non-kin foster parents. Thirty-two states offered a separate assessment process for kin (which may be called licensing, approval, or certification). Most often this process was less stringent than the non-kin foster care licensing standards.
In addition to assessing kin who care for children in state custody, 39 states reported that in some instances child welfare workers helped place children with kin without seeking state custody. In such cases, a family may be brought to the attention of the child welfare agency and the caseworker may recommend that the birth parent voluntarily place the child with a relative.
For kin caring for children in state custody, the type of payment they receive is directly linked to their assessment process. Generally, if kin go through the same licensing process as traditional foster parents, they receive foster payments.(5) Foster care payment rates vary from $212 to $708 a month for basic care (CWLA, 2001).(6) Kin who are assessed by different standards generally are not eligible to receive foster care payments, but may receive TANF child-only payments.(7) There are no data on the number of kinship caregivers who are licensed foster parents and receive foster care payments. Only 15 states were able to estimate the percentage of kin receiving foster care payments when asked in a 1999 Urban Institute survey. Among these, 12 states noted that less than half of all kin receive foster care payments, with 5 states estimating that fewer than 1 in 10 receive foster care payments (Leos-Urbel et al., 2000).
| States' policies for kinship foster care are still evolving. Between 1997 and 1999, 16 states altered the way they either pay or assess kinship foster caregivers |
States' policies for kinship foster care are still evolving. Between 1997 and 1999, 16 states altered the way they either pay or assess kinship foster caregivers. In addition, recent federal guidance on the licensing of kin foster parents will require at least 18 states to alter their policies if they want to seek federal reimbursement for foster care payments paid to kin (Leos-Urbel et al., 2000).
All kin not receiving foster care payments may receive TANF child-only grants on behalf of their related child, or if poor themselves, may include the related child as part of their assistance unit. States set their own TANF payment levels; state child-only rates vary from $60 to $514 a month with a median rate of $215 (Committee on Ways and Means, 2000).
Data from fiscal year 1999 show that 9.4 percent (499,960) of all children receiving TANF benefits were related to but not the children of the head of the household (U.S. DHHS, 2000c).(8) The large majority of these children (421,599) were supported through child-only grants. While historical data on welfare assistance received by kinship care children is limited, the number of kinship care child-only cases grew from 206,000 in 1988 to 388,000 in 1996 before declining in 1997 to 341,000 following the trend of the entire welfare caseload (U.S. DHHS, 2000d) (see Exhibit 1).(9) In addition, data show that even though all kin who do not receive a foster care payment are eligible to receive at least a TANF child-only payment, most do not receive any TANF assistance. In 1997, only 28 percent of kinship care children lived with a relative who received AFDC (Ehrle et al., 2001). In comparison, in 1997 approximately 69 percent of all TANF eligible persons received benefits (DHHS, 2000b).
| Policy makers have been paying much closer attention to the child-only caseload as it represents a growing share of the total welfare caseload |
Policy makers have been paying much closer attention to the child-only caseload as it represents a growing share of the total welfare caseload. The number of child-only welfare families increased steadily in the late 1980s and throughout the middle 1990s, reaching a peak of 978,000 such families in 1996. The number of child-only families decreased in 1997 (918,000) and 1998 (743,000), before increasing again in 1999 (770,000) (U.S. DHHS, 2000c). But the child-only share of the total welfare caseload grew in each year between 1988 and 1999, from 10 percent in 1988 to 29 percent in 1999 (see Exhibit 1). The share of the welfare caseload represented by child-only grants varies considerably among states, with child-only grants representing more than 50 percent of the caseload in some states (U.S. DHHS, 2000c).
In general, states do not impose work requirements or time limits on kinship caregivers who receive child-only TANF grants, because they are under no legal obligation to support the relative child. If kinship caregivers themselves receive TANF payments, federal work requirements and time limits do apply. States may exempt relative caregivers from state requirements and may support them using state-only funds (U.S. DHHS 1999).
Exhibit 1.
Changes in Child_Only Caseload, 1988-1999
| In spite of their eligibility, many kin do not receive this wide range of supports |
In addition to TANF, kinship caregivers and relative children may be eligible for a wide range of federal and state programs. For example, almost all foster children are eligible for Medicaid,(10) and children cared for by kin who are outside the child welfare system and receive a TANF child-only payment are eligible for Medicaid. Kin are also eligible to receive Supplemental Security Income (SSI) for any related child who meets the disability guidelines of the program. Kin who are income-eligible for food stamps are eligible to receive additional food stamp benefits for related children. Depending upon the state, kin may also be eligible to receive housing assistance, subsidized child care, or emergency financial assistance. But in spite of their eligibility, many kin do not receive this wide range of supports. For example, only 60 percent of kin who are income eligible receive food stamps and only 54 percent receive Medicaid for their related child (Ehrle et al., 2001). In comparison, 78 percent of all food stamp eligible children participate in the program (U.S. DHHS, 2000b). Of all children eligible for both TANF and Medicaid, about 65 percent receive Medicaid benefits (Dubay, Kenney, and Haley 2001).
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While part of the solution to meeting the needs of kin may be better information and outreach on available programs and supports, many policy makers have found that existing public agency services and programs are not appropriate or sufficient for kin. As a result, numerous states and localities have begun to develop kin-specific programs. In June 2000, the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation (ASPE) noted the proliferation of such programs and, since little was known about them, contracted with the Urban Institute to conduct a study of alternative kinship care programs established outside of TANF and foster care. This report documents the findings from this study and describes the variety of alternative approaches states and localities are taking to address the needs of kinship caregivers.
There are many programs nationwide that serve kinship caregivers and children, but not all are alternatives to TANF or foster care. For the purposes of this study, "alternative" kinship care programs are those specifically designed to meet the needs of kinship care families and that serve, at least in part, families referred by child welfare and/or TANF agencies.
Identifying existing alternative kinship care programs required several strategies. First, knowledgeable individuals around the country were asked to identify alternative kinship care programs of which they were aware. Second, Cornell University's Child Abuse Prevention Network Listserve asked its members to identify programs. Third, kinship care experts and organizations that work with kin or with state and local TANF and child welfare agencies offered information. Fourth, a review of the agendas of recent conferences sponsored by children's organizations identified presentations by or about alternative kinship care programs. Finally, the Brookdale Foundation, which for the past few years has provided seed money to state and local agencies interested in expanding services for kinship care families, provided a list of programs they support.
In all, 167 programs serving kinship care families were identified, and researchers contacted 107 programs which were thought to fit the definition of alternative kinship care.(11) Identified programs were asked to provide brochures, authorizing legislation, and other publicly available information about current and planned activities. The information provided showed that 57 of these programs served families referred by either TANF or child welfare and could be considered alternative programs.(12) Of these 57, 34 are subsidized guardianship programs, programs that provide on-going financial support to kin who take permanent legal custody of a related child who has been abused or neglected. Such programs are alternative in that they provide an option only to kin that is different from traditional foster care or adoption assistance. Program administrators offered some basic information about all 57 alternative kinship programs. Researchers selected seven programs for more in depth study(13):
The seven selected programs illustrate different service delivery approaches. They also vary in size, geographic areas and demographic groups they serve, funding mechanisms, and administration. Summary information about all 57 alternative kinship care programs identified is included in Appendix A. Appendix B includes summary profiles of the seven programs selected for in-depth study.
Teams of two Urban Institute researchers conducted multi-day site visits with selected programs and conducted interviews with program administrators and supervisors, TANF and child welfare administrators, local advocacy organizations, and private service providers who work with kin. Semi-structured protocols were employed to collect information about programs' goals, services, structure, administration, financing, and the target client population. In addition, Urban Institute researchers conducted focus groups with alternative kinship care program workers, child welfare and TANF workers, and kinship caregivers. These focus groups yielded information on the needs and service delivery experiences of kin and how the alternative program interacted with TANF, child welfare, and other public and private agencies.
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1. Based on Urban Institute tabulations of March 2000 Current Population Survey.
2. Caregivers of children in state custody who do not meet state licensing requirements typically do not receive foster care payments, but are eligible to receive TANF child-only payments. Three states only provide foster payments to kin if the children in their care are title IV-E eligible.
3. Census Bureau Current Population Survey (CPS) data. Data are provided based on two- or three-year averages, because the number of children in kin care in a single year's CPS sample is relatively small and provide unreliable estimates. In addition, because of the introduction of improved data collection and processing procedures, data before 1994 are not comparable to later years.
4. The number of children in kinship care decreased from an average of 2.16 million to 2.14 million between 1995-1997 and 1998-2000 and the average prevalence decreased from 3.05 percent to 2.98 percent.
5. In California, New Jersey, and Oregon, kin must care for a child eligible for federal reimbursement (under title IV-E) to receive a foster care payment.
6. Basic rates vary by the age of the child. In addition, states often supplement these basic rates with allowances for clothes, shelter, school supplies, or other expenses.
7. The Urban Institute's 1999 survey found that 8 states provided foster care payments to kin who were assessed based on different licensing standards. In January, 2000 HHS published a final rule implementing ASFA and noted that states could not claim federal reimbursement of foster care payments made to kin who were licensed based on different standards.
8. However, we cannot determine how many of these kinship child-only recipients are kin foster parents who are not receiving foster care payments because they are not licensed.
9. In addition to kinship care, there are several other reasons why a family may receive a child-only welfare payment. The head of the household may be 1) receiving Supplemental Security Income (SSI) instead of TANF, 2) ineligible for TANF due to their citizenship status, or 3) under sanction by the welfare office.
10. Title IV-E eligible children are categorically eligible for Medicaid. States have the option of whether to provide Medicaid to non-IV-E eligible children.
11. Since a comprehensive survey was not conducted, it is likely that there are alternative kinship care programs that were not identified. In addition, since efforts to identify programs in June/July 2000, some new alternative programs have been implemented.
12. Some of these programs receive relatively few referrals from TANF or child welfare while others receive most if not all referrals from these sources. It is possible that some of the programs not considered alternative also receive some referrals from TANF or child welfare, but were inadvertently left out because programs materials or program officials did not note these referrals.
13. Although subsidized guardianship programs were the most common alternative kinship care program identified, we did not include any of these programs for in depth study since several of these programs are being implemented under title IV-E waivers and are being closely monitored.
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Last updated: 10/29/01