Content by Keyword: Welfare Reform/Welfare-to-Work

Despite the fact that participation in welfare-to-work activities is generally required in exchange for welfare receipt, welfare agencies often have a difficult time engaging a large share of their caseloads in program activities. Reacting in part to low participation rates in welfare-to-work programs, FSA broke new ground in requiring states to e

As mentioned in the description of the NEWWS programs operated in Columbus, there are two general approaches to welfare case management: traditional and integrated. Although each can be argued to have advantages and disadvantages, some policymakers and program operators have speculated that integrating the roles of income maintenance and employmen

The administrators of all the welfare-to-work programs studied in NEWWS hoped that their programs' preemployment services, mandates, and messages would enable welfare recipients eventually to increase their income and move out of poverty, but their relative emphasis on and methods of achieving this goal differed. The education-focused programs emp

During the two decades before FSA's passage, mothers receiving welfare who had children under age 6 were generally not subject to the participation and work requirements of welfare-to-work programs. With FSA's passage came the advent of mandatory participation in welfare-to-work activities for mothers with young children. Because the new mandate's

Welfare reform is often seen as a tool that can be used to do much more than raise earnings and reduce dependence on government assistance. FSA, for example, sought to bring about a sea change in people's attitudes toward welfare receipt. Some policymakers believe that reducing welfare use will have positive spillover effects on poor families, suc

5   In these sites, the starting of the welfare time-limit clock necessitated allowing control group members to access welfare-to-work program services.

The NEWWS findings should not be taken as a general indictment of the benefits of education and training in welfare-to-work programs.

Evaluations of welfare-to-work programs operated before FSA's passage found that the programs were most effective for the moderately disadvantaged and least effective for the most disadvantaged and the least disadvantaged (to learn how these groups were defined in NEWWS, read the first finding below).

As already discussed, the most rigorous findings about the relative effectiveness of different program approaches come from the analyses that directly compare the LFA and HCD programs within each site that operated both types of program. Viewed with appropriate skepticism, however, cross-site comparisons can suggest what other program approaches o

Compared with the LFA approach, the HCD approach did not produce additional long-run economic benefits.

Employment-focused programs generally had larger effects on employment and earnings than did education-focused programs. Figure 6 presents all 11 NEWWS programs' impacts on earnings, that is, the differences between the program and control groups' earnings in each site. As shown, three of the four employment-focused programs produced large

All 11 NEWWS programs increased single parents' employment and earnings and decreased their welfare receipt and payments relative to the levels found in the programs' absence.

This section examines the impacts on economic outcomes of the different types of welfare-to-work strategies used by the NEWWS programs. Specifically, it looks at the extent to which the programs improved on what would have happened in their absence; the relative effectiveness of employment-focused and education-focused programs and their variants;

3   See, for example, CLASP Update (Center for Law and Social Policy). 1998. Center for Law and Social Policy. 4   Nonexperimental comparisons are analyses that do not take direct advantage of the random assignment design. Differences found in some comparisons are thus not necessarily indicative of a causal relationship.

The gains in credential receipt and literacy skills that welfare recipients can reap from adult education programs seem to be related to the length of participation in and the quality of such programs.

Welfare-to-work programs that rely on adult basic education programs for the general population are unlikely to improve welfare recipients' basic reading and math skills.

Welfare-to-work programs can increase the proportion of people who obtain a GED or high school diploma -- particularly among recipients who enter the program with literacy skills at or close to the high school level -- but the overall proportion of people who earn such a credential is likely to be low. Increases in the proportion of people who o

The education-focused programs in NEWWS engaged large numbers of people in mandatory education or training classes -- more people than would have enrolled in such classes on their own. The next critical question iswhether higher participation in such classes enabled people in the education-focused programs to acquire the credentials or skills that