Compared with higher-income men age 18–44, low-income men are more likely to lack health insurance coverage, have lower access to routine health care, and have worse health 6 outcomes as measured by self-reported health and obesity. The health insurance coverage and health status of low-income men depend on where they live.
The Health of Disconnected Low-Income Men. Low-Income Men Have Less Access to Health Care and Poorer Health
Less than half (45 percent) of low-income men nationwide report a routine health checkup in the past year. 8 By 4 comparison, 56 percent of higher-income men age 18–44 report a routine checkup in the past year. 9
The Health of Disconnected Low-Income Men. Health Insurance Coverage Varies by State, Citizenship, Ethnicity, and Education
Among the 10 states with the largest number of low-income men (“the top 10 states”), rates of private and public insurance coverage vary widely (figure 1). Low-income men in Pennsylvania (36 percent), Ohio (33 percent), and Illinois (30 percent) have the highest rates of private insurance only. Private insurance rates are lowest in New York (2
The Health of Disconnected Low-Income Men. Low-Income Men Are More Likely to Lack Health Insurance Coverage
Less than half (49 percent) of low-income men age 18–44 in the United States have any insurance coverage (figure 1). 2 The insured rate for low-income men is significantly lower than the rate for all men age 18–44, which is 71 percent. Low-income men are half as likely as all men in that age group to be covered by private insurance only (30 p
Imprisonment and Disenfranchisement of Disconnected Low-Income Men. Racial Differences in Incarceration Rates
According to a 2012 Bureau of Justice Statistics bulletin on state and federal prisoners, African American and Hispanic men are incarcerated at higher rates nationally than white men (Carson and Sabol 2012). 3 Among all US male residents in 2011, 932 men per 100,000 were imprisoned. 4 When broken out by race and ethnicity, striking differences
We would like to extend a special thank you to the HHS staff for their commitment to this project and for making this work possible; in particular, we acknowledge the federal project officers, Annette Waters and Kimberly Clum. We are also grateful to Kendall Swenson for his work with the data and to Erica Meade for her contributions.
A large number of US men of prime working age are neither gainfully employed nor pursuing education or other training, suggesting a potentially significant disconnection from mainstream economic and social life. The Urban Institute, funded by the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, US Department of Health and Human Servi
Education and Employment of Disconnected Low-Income Men. Appendix Table 1. Low-Income Men with Less than a High School Education in Metropolitan Areas with 50,000 or More Low-Income Men
Metropolitan area Low-income men Low-income men with less than a high school education Share of metro population with less than a high school education Share of metro population that is Hispanic United States 14,967,260 4,715,290 32% 32%
In 2010, the year for the data estimates, the federal poverty threshold was $11,344 for a single adult and $17,552 for a family of three with one child. Twice the poverty level was $22,688 for a single adult and $35,104 for a family of three ( http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/data/threshld/ ). Unless specified otherwise, statistics are ba
Education and Employment of Disconnected Low-Income Men. Low-Income Men Have Less Personal Income to Contribute to Their Families
The target population for these briefs is defined by the income of the family in which they live. The exact income that puts these men into the low-income category depends on the size of the family and the income of all of its members. Personal income is the income earned or otherwise received by the individual low-income man.
Education and Employment of Disconnected Low-Income Men. Low-Income Men Are More Likely to Be Unemployed and Underemployed
Employment status can be measured in a number of ways. This brief uses several definitions for a more complete picture of low-income men’s connections to work. In addition to the official unemployment rate, we examine men’s participation in the labor force and their engagement in part-time work.
Education and Employment of Disconnected Low-Income Men. Low Educational Attainment Disadvantages Low-Income Men
We present data on the educational attainment of low-income men and compare them with men who live in families with incomes above 200 percent of FPL (or “higher-income men”). While this brief primarily focuses on men without postsecondary degrees, we begin by examining the spectrum of educational disparities for men across the income distribut
Acs, G. (2001). Final Synthesis Report of Findings from ASPE'S'Leavers' Grants. Adams, G., K. Snyder and J. R. Sandfort (2002). Navigating the child care subsidy system: Policies and practices that affect access and retention. Andersson, F., M. Freedman, J. Lane and S. Hauan (2012). "Past Work Experience and Earnings Trajectories of Single Mot
The statistics presented in this report provide a description of the interval of time that families receive child care subsidies and document the calendar months when they are more or less likely to enter and exit the programs. These statistics are useful to researchers and policymakers because the patterns may be related to adult employment and c
Child Care Subsidy Duration and Caseload Dynamics: A Multi-State Examination. Cumulative Months of Participation across a Three-Year Period
Analysis of the ACF-801 data finds that many families receive subsidies sporadically over time and frequently return to the subsidy programs after they exit. These patterns are displayed in Figure 7, which presents the number of cumulative months that families receive child care subsidies over a three-year period. The blue area (i.e., the first
Child Care Subsidy Duration and Caseload Dynamics: A Multi-State Examination. Comparisons of Spell Duration Using Different Methodologies
The scholarly field of early childhood development has yet to fully embrace a specific methodology for measuring child care subsidy duration and this section is intended to provide a series of medians to compare and contrast various approaches. The details of the methodologies are summarized in Table 5. The methodologies vary by whether they requi
Child Care Subsidy Duration and Caseload Dynamics: A Multi-State Examination. Spell Durations and Age of Youngest Child
Table 4 presents median spell durations by age of the youngest subsidized child in each family by state for Fiscal Year 2007. The medians displayed in the table show that typical spell durations were somewhat longer for families with younger children compared to families with older subsidized children. For example, the median spell durations for t
Child Care Subsidy Duration and Caseload Dynamics: A Multi-State Examination. Length of Spell Duration
The amount of time that families receive child care subsidies can be presented in different ways. One possibility is with a Kaplan-Meier survival curve, like that shown in Figure 4.