Tourangeau (1984) as well as others (see Sudman et al., 1996, for a review) have categorized the survey question-and-answer process as a four-step process involving comprehension of the question, retrieval of information from memory, assessment of the correspondence between the retrieved information and the requested information, and communication. In addition, the encoding of information, a process outside the control of the survey interview, determines a priori whether the information of interest is available for the respondent to retrieve from long-term memory.
Comprehension of the interview question is the "point of entry" to the response process. Does the question convey the concept(s) of interest? Is there a shared meaning among the researcher, the interviewer, and the respondent with respect to each of the words as well as the question as a whole? The comprehension of the question involves not only knowledge of the particular words and phrases used in the questionnaire, but also the respondent's impression of the purpose of the interview, the context of the particular question, and the interviewer's behavior in the delivery of the question.
The use of simple, easily understood language is not sufficient for guaranteeing shared meaning among all respondents. Belson (1981) found that even simple terms were subject to misunderstanding. For example, Belson examined respondents' interpretation of the following question: "For how many hours do you usually watch television on a weekday? This includes evening viewing." He found that respondents varied in their interpretation of various terms such as "how many hours" (sometimes interpreted as requesting starting and stopping times of viewing), "you" (interpreted to include other family members), "usually," and "watch television" (interpreted to mean being in the room in which the television is on).
Much of the measurement error literature has focused on the retrieval stage of the question-answering process, classifying the lack of reporting of an event as retrieval failure on the part of the respondent, comparing the characteristics of events that are reported to those that are not reported. One of the general tenets from this literature concerns the length of the recall period; the greater the length of the recall period, the greater the expected bias due to respondent retrieval and reporting error. This relationship has been supported by empirical data investigating the reporting of consumer expenditures and earnings (Neter and Waksberg, 1964); the reporting of hospitalizations, visits to physicians, and health conditions (e.g. Cannell et al., 1965); and reports of motor vehicle accidents (Cash and Moss, 1969), crime (Murphy and Cowan, 1976); and recreational activities (Gems et al., 1982). However, even within these studies, the findings with respect to the impact of the length of recall period on the quality of survey estimates are inconsistent. For example, Dodge (1970) found that length of recall was significant in the reporting of robberies but had no effect on the reporting of various other crimes, such as assaults, burglaries, and larcenies. Contrary to theoretically justified expectations, the literature also offers several examples in which the length of the recall period had no effect on the magnitude of response errors (see, for example, Mathiowetz and Duncan, 1988; Schaeffer, 1994). These more recent investigations point to the importance of the complexity of the behavioral experience over time, as opposed to simply the passage of time, as the factor most indicative of measurement error. This finding harkens back to theoretical discussions of the impact of interference on memory (Crowder, 1976).
Response errors associated with the length of the recall period typically are classified as either telescoping error, that is the tendency of the respondent to report events as occurring earlier (backward telescoping) or more recently (forward telescoping) than they actually occurred, or recall decay, the inability of the respondent to recall the relevant events occurring in the past (errors of omission). Forward telescoping is believed to dominate recall errors when the reference period for the questions is of short duration, while recall decay is more likely to have a major effect when the reference period is of long duration. In addition to the length of the recall period, the relative salience of the event affects the likelihood of either telescoping or memory decay. For example, events that are unique or that have a major impact on the respondent's life are less likely to be forgotten (error of omission) than less important events; however, the vividness of the event may lead respondents to recall the event as occurring more recently than is true (forward telescoping).
Another tenet rising from the collaborative efforts of cognitive psychologists and survey methodologists concerns the relationship between true behavioral experience and retrieval strategies undertaken by a respondent. Recent investigations suggest that the retrieval strategy undertaken by the respondent to provide a "count" of a behavior is a function of the true behavioral frequency. Research by Burton and Blair (1991) indicate that respondents choose to count events or items (episodic enumeration) if the frequency of the event/item is low and they rely on estimation for more frequently occurring events. The point at which respondents switch from episodic counting to estimation varies by both the characteristics of the respondent and the characteristics of the event. As Sudman et al. (1996) note, "no studies have attempted to relate individual characteristics such as intelligence, education, or preference for cognitive complexity to the choice of counting or estimation, controlling for the number of events" (p. 201). Work by Menon (1993, 1994) suggests that it is not simply the true behavioral frequency that determines retrieval strategies, but also the degree of regularity and similarity among events. According to her hypotheses, those events that are both regular and similar (brushing teeth) require the least amount of cognitive effort to report, with respondents relying on retrieval of a rate to produce a response. Those events occurring irregularly require more cognitive effort on the part of the respondent.
The impact of different retrieval strategies with respect to the magnitude and direction of measurement error is not well understood; the limited evidence suggests that errors of estimation are often unbiased, although the variance about an estimate (e.g., mean value for the population) may be large. Episodic enumeration, however, appears to lead to biased estimates of the event or item of interest, with a tendency to be biased upward for short recall periods and downward for long recall periods.
A third tenet springing from this same literature concerns the salience or importance of the behavior to be retrieved. Sudman and Bradburn (1973) identify salient events as those that are unique or have continuing economic or social consequences for the respondent. Salience is hypothesized to affect the strength of the memory trace and subsequently, the effort involved in retrieving the information from long-term memory. The stronger the trace, the lower the effort needed to locate and retrieve the information. Cannell et al. (1965) report that those events judged to be important to the individual were reported more completely and accurately than other events. Mathiowetz (1986) found that short spells of unemployment were less likely to be reported than longer (i.e., more salient) spells.
The last maxim concerns the impact of interference related to the occurrence of similar events over the respondent's life or during the reference period of interest. Classical interference and information-processing theories suggest that as the number of similar or related events occurring to an individual increases, the probability of recalling any one of those events declines. An individual may lose the ability to distinguish between related events, resulting in an increase in the rate of errors or omission. Inaccuracy concerning the details of any one event also may increase as the respondent makes use of general knowledge or impressions concerning a class of events for reconstructing the specifics of a particular occurrence. Interference theory suggests that "forgetting" is a function of both the number and temporal pattern of related events in long-term memory. In addition, we would speculate that interference also contributes to the misreporting of information, for example, the reporting of the receipt of Medicare benefits rather than Medicaid benefits.
"01.pdf" (pdf, 472.92Kb)
"02.pdf" (pdf, 395.41Kb)
"03.pdf" (pdf, 379.04Kb)
"04.pdf" (pdf, 381.73Kb)
"05.pdf" (pdf, 393.7Kb)
"06.pdf" (pdf, 415.3Kb)
"07.pdf" (pdf, 375.49Kb)
"08.pdf" (pdf, 475.21Kb)
"09.pdf" (pdf, 425.17Kb)
"10.pdf" (pdf, 424.33Kb)
"11.pdf" (pdf, 392.39Kb)
"12.pdf" (pdf, 386.39Kb)
"13.pdf" (pdf, 449.86Kb)