Toward Understanding Homelessness: The 2007 National Symposium on Homelessness Research. Employment and Income Supports for Homeless People. Endnotes

03/01/2007

[1]     The review covers several initiatives sponsored by private foundations. These initiatives are considered in the context of the federal agency with primary responsibility for the population segment served by a particular project. For example, the Next Step Jobs initiative, funded by the Rockefeller Foundation to serve supportive housing residents, is discussed in the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development section.

[2]     The Social Security Administration also serves long-term workers who have reached retirement age, a population unlikely to experience homelessness.

[3]     The U.S. was in recession from March through November 2001 (Business Cycle Dating Committee, 2001). For a discussion of the evidence of harm to disadvantaged populations, such as welfare recipients, see Holzer (1998).

[4]     GAO (2000) provides a good summary of eligibility barriers to mainstream programs experienced by homeless people.

[5]     SSDI and SSI have similar disability determination criteria  adults will be found disabled if they are unable to perform substantial gainful activity (SGA) for at least 12 months due to one or more medically determinable disabilities. To be found eligible for benefits, an applicant under either program must be unable to perform SGA in any former jobs as well as any job that exists in the national economy. This is a high standard, considerably more stringent than the standard used to determine eligibility for HUDs housing and homeless assistance programs, so many homeless individuals who qualify for HUD assistance based on a disability will not be eligible for SSDI or SSI. Inability to perform SGA is often equated with inability to work at all, which is inaccurate. SGA is actually defined as a certain threshold of work earnings, below which an individual is disabled under SSA standards and above which an individual  although he or she might have a disability  is not considered disabled under SSA rules. Whether a person is performing SGA is dependent on the amount of money earned, the number of hours worked, and the type of work being performed. This means that it is possible for people to work and still receive SSDI or SSI.

[6]     2007 Social Security changes are available at http://www.ssa.gov/pressoffice/factsheets/colafacts2007.htm. While some income and assets are excluded from being factored into basic eligibility determinations and determinations of monthly benefits, receipt of too much non-excluded income and assets can result in temporary ineligibility for monthly benefits or even removal from the programs rolls.

[7]     SSDI beneficiaries do not begin receiving cash payments until 5 months after qualifying for benefits; Medicare coverage begins 24 months after benefits start.

[8]     Seventy-six percent of survey respondents who were paying for their own housing lost that housing when their disability benefits were cut off; and 29 percent of respondents who were in a drug treatment program when their benefits were cut off were required to leave that program. In Cook County, Illinois, 74 percent of people surveyed who had lost their benefits also lost Medicare or Medicaid coverage.

[9]     The incentive to work is also low at the time people apply for SSI and SSDI. Work at more than a minimal level calls the severity of the disability into question, potentially resulting in a denial of benefits. If too much income is earned, SSI eligibility criteria may not be met. As a result, applicants for disability benefits often avoid work while their applications are pending.

[10]     State vocational rehabilitation agencies also receive substantial funding from the Rehabilitation Services Administration (RSA), U.S. Department of Education. The funding provided by RSA is authorized under the WIA legislation discussed in the section on U.S. Department of Labor programs. Most notably, the state vocational rehabilitation (VR) agency system has been the main provider of employment-related services to disabled individuals and, until 1996, the only option disability insurance recipients had for publicly financed rehabilitation services (the VR agencies are also by far the most widely used TTW providers as well). VR agencies typically assess disabled individuals, develop rehabilitation plans, and then purchase needed services for their clients or leverage resources at other agencies or service providers. VR staff also counsel clients about their potential eligibility for disability insurance and other program benefits.

[11]     JOLI is authorized under Section 505 of the Family Support Act of 1988, Public Law 100-485, as amended by Section 112 of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, Public Law, 104-193.

[12]     In their analysis, Rosenheck, Stolar, and Fontana evaluated the interaction of participation in CWT and changes in outcomes over time using propensity scoring and hierarchical linear modeling. In addition to employment, the outcomes addressed by the analysis include two measures of clinical improvement in posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), violence, an alcohol problem index, a drug problem index, and a medical problem index. All sample members had PTSD; other impairments and characteristics varied within this sample.

[13]     FSS was established in 1990 by section 554 of the National Affordable Housing Act. There is a smaller FSS program for public housing residents.

[14]     The Workforce Investment Act (WIA) of 1998, Public Law 105-220, replaced the Job Training Partnership Act (JTPA) that had been in place from 1982 to 2000. Title I of the legislation authorizes the Workforce Investment System and the dislocated worker programs described in this section; Title II reauthorizes adult education and family literacy programs; Title III amends the Wagner-Peyser Act mentioned in this section; Title IV reauthorizes Rehabilitation Act programs (operated by the Rehabilitation Services Administration in the U.S. Department of Education), such as rehabilitation services, projects with industry, and independent living centers; and Title V contains general provisions.

[15]     Workforce investment areas are defined by the state boards, and are generally different from the regions used by other mainstream and targeted programs. For example, the geography of HUDs continuums of care frequently overlap, but rarely share the same boundaries.

[16]     State and local Workforce Investment Boards develop strategic plans and set priorities to meet workforce needs. The majority of board members on both state and local boards are business people. Most WIA funding flows to the states and local areas by formula. The mainstream WIA program includes three funding streams: youth, adult, and dislocated workers.

[17]     DOL, as part of its 2007 budget request, proposed creating career advancement accounts, providing workers more ownership of their education and training. The proposal, based on Individual Training Accounts and experiences with community colleges, is intended to help meet the Administrations goal of achieving higher enrollment rates in training.

[18]     WIA services are divided into three tiers: core, intensive, and training. Core services are available to all job seekers, including access to job listings, information about careers and the local labor market, and limited staff assistance with job search activities. Intensive services are only available after core service efforts are exhausted, and include life skills workshops, case management, and comprehensive assessments leading to the development of an individual employment plan. Training services, such as employer-linked programs and classroom-based skills training leading to a specific occupation, can only be accessed by individuals who have failed to obtain or maintain employment through core and intensive services. Operators of these programs are expected to meet certain performance outcomes established by the state and negotiated with the DOL. Failure to meet performance measures can result in decreased funding to the WIB.

[19]     The evaluation was originally intended to be a random assignment experiment, but, because of low local program enrollment, this research design became unfeasible.

[20]     HVRP was initially authorized under Section 738 of the Stewart B. McKinney Homeless Assistance Act in July 1987. It is currently authorized under Title 38 U.S.C. Section 2021, as added by Section 5 of Public Law 107-95, the Homeless Veterans Comprehensive Assistance Act of 2001.

[21]     U.S. DOL, PART Review for FY 2008.

[22]     For more information about this initiative go to http://www.dol.gov/dol/audience/aud-homeless.htm or www.csh.org/cheta

[23]     See Seattle Jobs Initiative report 8/18/06, Food Stamp Employment and Training  Lessons Learned from Community Partners Engaged in King County Third Party Match Pilot Providers.

[24]     SSA evaluates disabilities on the basis of medically determinable impairments, the extent to which these impairments limit the individuals ability to work, and whether the limitations are expected to last at least a year. The severity of disabilities in each physical and mental diagnostic category is assessed in terms of two types of criteria: medical findings and impairment-related functional limitations.

[25]     The federal Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) of 1996 enacted this and other changes in welfare. The time limits began to affect families in subsequent years.

[26]     Based on a large survey of TANF-eligible families, 14 percent of involuntary TANF leavers and 8 percent of voluntary leavers report being evicted from their residences. Such families may live with friends and relatives, find other housing, or experience homelessness (living in emergency shelters or on the streets). See Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (2003).

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