Children in public kinship care are more likely than children in non-kin foster care to be younger and African American. 28 Public kinship caregivers are more likely than non-kin foster parents to be older, African American, single, and never married. They are also more likely to live in poverty and to be less well educated.
In private kinship care arrangements, as well as agency-involved public care, birth parents typically retain custody of their children, often affording kinship caregivers more limited decision-making authority than non-kin foster parents. Without legal custody, kin lack the authority to take important actions such as enrolling a child in school, s
While both public kinship and non-kin foster parents care for children whom the state may need to protect, the circumstances leading to placement appear to be different. For example, children in public kinship care are more likely to have been removed from a parent’s home because of abuse or neglect, as opposed to parent-child conflict or a beha
Report to the Congress on Kinship Foster Care. Chapter 3 How Do Kinship Families Differ from Non-Kin Foster Care Families?
Kinship care is by definition different from non-kin foster care because the caregivers are related to or have a prior relationship with the children in their care. As one expert has noted, “To view kinship care as simply a form of foster care ignores the unique dynamics and varied definition of family within a multi-cultural context. Kinship ca
This chapter includes all available information on two of the items for which Congress specifically requested information: the costs and sources of funds for kinship care and State policies regarding kinship care. Listed below are additional information needed and potential sources of this information.
Together, Federal and State policies create a maze of varying kinship care definitions, policies, and practices.
Report to the Congress on Kinship Foster Care. State Implementation of Recent Federal Policy Changes
Because States are still implementing programs to reflect recent Federal policy changes, it is uncertain how these policy changes will affect kinship care families. States that have received IV-E waivers must undergo rigorous evaluation of the demonstration program they develop. Because these waivers are relatively new, however, it may be several
Passed in 1997, ASFA is one of the first pieces of Federal legislation that acknowledges the unique position of kin within the foster care system. The law differentiates between public kinship care and non-kin foster care in two ways. First, it clearly indicates that “a fit and willing relative” could provide a “planned permanent living arra
Report to the Congress on Kinship Foster Care. Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act
Although PRWORA is known as the legislation that reshaped the nation’s cash assistance landscape, it may also have a significant impact on kinship care. Under PRWORA, Congress required States to “consider giving preference to an adult relative over a non-related caregiver when determining a placement for a child, provided that the relative car
Public Law 104-121, the Contract with America Advancement Act of 1996, prohibited SSI eligibility to individuals whose drug addiction and/or alcoholism (DA&A) is a contributing factor material to the finding of disability. This provision applied to individuals who filed for benefits on or after the date of enactment (March 29, 1996) and to i
The following tables and figures present data on caseloads, expenditures, and recipient characteristics of the AFDC and TANF programs. Trends in national caseloads and expenditures are shown in Figures TANF 1 and TANF 2, and the first set of tables (Tables TANF 1 through 6). These are followed by information on characteristics of AFDC/TANF fam
Indicators of Welfare Dependence: Annual Report to Congress, 2008. INDICATOR 10. Events Associated with the Beginning and Ending of Program Spells
Figure IND 10a. Events Associated with Single Mother TANF Exits during the 2001-2003 Period
Litigation has played a large role in influencing states’ payments and services to public kinship caregivers (Figure 4). As mentioned previously, the landmark decision of Miller v. Youakim determined that kin who care for IV-E-eligible children and who meet the same State licensing standards as non-kin foster parents are entitled to the same F
While all kin are eligible for child-only grants under the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program, 22 state foster care payments to public kinship caregivers are directly related to how they are licensed. Some States have different payments for each licensing standard. Others pay families in the same licensing category at differen
Since many public kinship caregivers are not eligible to receive federal funds, 19 many States have created less stringent licensing options for them. Further, the licensing of a kinship caregiver as a foster parent can be a function of both State policies as well as the family’s preference for licensing and payment. Figure 2 defines five licen
In placing children in foster care, all but two States reported in 1997 that they gave preference to kin over unrelated foster parents, and 30 States and the District of Columbia reported doing so for more than the past five years (Boots and Geen, 1999). 18 However, it is unclear how States’ preference for kin is implemented. For example, there
With limited Federal guidance, State child welfare policies have come to treat kinship care differently from non-kin foster care. Moreover, States differ in whom they allow to be kin foster parents, how they supervise them, and what financial support they provide them.
Throughout the early development of the Federal foster care system, child welfare policies ignored the role of kin caregivers. If States provided assistance to kin caregivers, they did so through income assistance programs, thus effectively keeping them out of the child welfare services and payment systems. In large part, this was due to child wel
Our nation’s child protection system emerged from a series of public and private responses to child poverty. Prior to 1850, poor children lived in almshouses, along with adult men and women, the aged and disabled, and the mentally ill. In the 1850s, the belief that the needs of poor children were distinct from those of adults gained acceptance,