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At the core of the tribal WtW programs are the services provided to help participants overcome barriers to employment, secure jobs, and make the transition from welfare to work and self-sufficiency. The tribal programs visited for this study use a range of service delivery approaches to help WtW-eligible tribal members overcome serious barriers to employment (for example, lack of accessible child care, lack of basic skills and job-specific skills, substance abuse problems, and transportation difficulties). This chapter describes how tribal WtW programs recruit eligible individuals, perform intake and assessment, and manage and track participants throughout their involvement in the program. It also describes how the programs provide employment- and training-related services and deliver other types of critical support or ancillary services.
Tribal WtW programs must identify potentially interested and eligible individuals and let them know about available services. Effective outreach and recruitment strategies are crucial to WtW programs. If recruitment activities are not carefully tailored to the target group and well executed by project staff, they can be ineffective and costly.
Because of chronic problems of unemployment and welfare dependency, the study sites generally report having sufficiently large pools of WtW-eligible individuals from which to draw participants. In addition, tribal WtW programs typically are initiated as part of a network of existing tribal human services and housing programs, and this facilitates distribution of information about WtW services and often provides fertile grounds for referrals. Information about availability and effectiveness of WtW services on the reservation is also passed on effectively through word of mouth.
Despite these advantages, most study sites report difficulties attracting participants from the pool of eligible tribal members, qualifying them under the restrictive WtW eligibility criteria, and engaging and retaining them in WtW services. Sites identify several key challenges that make recruitment more difficult than might be true for nontribal WtW programs: limited understanding of welfare requirements among the eligible population, problems accessing services, and difficulty identifying individuals who meet WtW eligibility requirements.
A serious barrier to recruitment on reservations is the eligible population's general lack of knowledge and understanding about welfare reform, work requirements, TANF time limits, and services available to help with the transition from welfare to work. Efforts to improve understanding of WtW services and requirements to leave welfare can be confounded by language differences; by the location of WtW-eligible households (without transportation or telephone) in outlying, sparsely populated rural areas; and by the dispersal of some tribes' members on and off the reservation.
Lack of transportation, poor roads, and the remote locations of many reservations (which translates into long and costly travel) make it challenging for tribal WtW programs to notify potential participants about the program. Poor travel conditions and lack of public transportation can also make it difficult for tribal members to attend orientation sessions and, once enrolled, to attend program services on a regular basis. Lack of accessible child care on the reservation sometimes prevents individuals from attending orientation and receiving subsequent services.
Recruitment efforts for some tribal WtW programs suffer because of a lack of well-developed linkages and formal procedures for referral of WtW-eligible individuals from local TANF offices. Tribal programs that do not have well-established referral linkages with local TANF offices (a major source of referrals for tribal and nontribal programs alike) usually find that recruitment of WtW-eligible individuals can be very slow. Six of the 10 tribal WtW grantees in the study did not operate TANF programs; consequently, they depend to a substantial extent for referrals on local (non-tribally administered) TANF offices. These tribal WtW program grantees must work with multiple counties and, sometimes, several states (for example, in the case of the Navajo Nation) to obtain referrals and confirm eligibility of potential WtW participants. This problem is especially acute for the California Indian Manpower Consortium, because it must work with and negotiate memoranda of understanding with 29 counties (the welfare system in California is administered by counties).
A significant problem affecting tribal programs that do not operate the TANF program is the difficulty states and counties have in identifying TANF recipients who are tribal members eligible to receive WtW services. While states and counties may record the race/ethnicity of TANF recipients, they seldom record the particular tribe of American Indian participants. If states and counties do not know the tribal affiliation of American Indian recipients, they cannot know for sure whether they are suitable for referral to particular tribal WtW programs. This problem is exacerbated in some areas by frequent misidentification of the race/ethnicity of American Indian recipients as Asian or Hispanic, because such identifications often are based on informal observations and judgments by TANF program staff.
While tribal WtW programs generally draw from large pools of WtW eligibles, several tribes report difficulty identifying and enrolling enough individuals who meet the 70 percent targeting requirement. This, in turn, limits the ability of programs to recruit and serve 30 percent-eligible tribal members. Tribal programs report that problems finding individuals meeting the 70 percent targeting requirement particularly afflicted their programs prior to the passage of the 1999 amendments relaxing the WtW targeting requirements. The most common problem encountered before the passage of the WtW amendments was that a TANF recipient might meet two of the three legislatively mandated targeting requirements under the 70 percent targeting criteria (for example, long-term dependence on welfare, little work experience, substance abuse problems, poor reading skills), yet fail to meet the 70 percent targeting requirement because he or she had a high school degree or equivalent. Prior to the amendments, such an individual would fall from the 70 percent targeting category to the 30 percent targeting group.
Tribal WtW programs generally establish referral arrangements with agencies that serve large numbers of WtW-eligible tribal members on and off the reservation. For the most part, the tribal WtW programs in our sample rely on direct referrals from local TANF offices. Typically, a memorandum of understanding is developed between the tribal WtW program and the local TANF agency, which defines roles and responsibilities of each agency. In particular, the agreement defines how individuals will be identified as WtW eligible by the TANF agency, the mechanics for referral of the individual for services, and the services the tribal WtW program will provide for participants who must meet TANF work requirements.
Despite a clear focus on obtaining direct referrals through local TANF offices, tribal WtW programs also do what they can to inform other agencies and the target population directly about WtW eligibility requirements and the availability of WtW-funded services through their programs. Programs inform WtW-eligible individuals by making staff at TANF and other human service agencies aware of program offerings and placing program literature where potential participants will likely see it. This includes making presentations about the WtW program on the reservation at traditional gatherings such as powwows, on feast days, and at meetings held by other programs on the reservation. Another strategy that sites employ is to visit other agencies that serve tribal members and to brief staff (individually or as a group) about available program services, eligibility, and how to refer eligible individuals to the program. Program brochures often are left with other agency staff to hand out to TANF recipients or be displayed in the agency's office. Another strategy is to place brochures about the program in places that WtW-eligible individuals are likely to frequent, such as the post office, BIA offices, local schools and training institutions, recreational facilities and playgrounds, public housing facilities, probation and parole agencies, and tribal courts. Program staff sometimes make presentations at orientation sessions attended by TANF recipients. Some sites have WtW project staff attend or set up booths at local job fairs and other community events, where they can distribute program literature and talk one-on-one with potential program recruits.
Some tribal sites obtain free public service announcements about their WtW programs on local radio and television stations. As appropriate, announcements are made in the native language such as Navajo or Athabascan. Program administrators and staff also give interviews to local radio and newspaper reporters--this provides an opportunity to inform a wider audience of WtW-eligible individuals (including custodial and noncustodial parents) about available services.
Finally, all sites relied on dissemination of program information by word of mouth, particularly through former participants and community leaders. Because programs mostly target tribal members living on or near the reservation, this is one of the most effective ways of disseminating information about the program and encouraging program participation. Hearing from a friend or relative that a program has provided useful services (such as helping them find a job) is perhaps the most effective way of stimulating interest in program participation.
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Tribal WtW programs, like nontribal programs, use the intake process both to determine the eligibility of applicants to receive WtW-funded services and to assess individual participant needs. Here, we discuss the eligibility determination and assessment processes that are part of the initial package of services new applicants receive.
The first step in the intake process involves determining whether a particular tribal member is eligible to receive WtW-funded services and, if so, determining into which targeting category (the 70 or 30 percent target group) to classify the individual. Tribal WtW programs, like nontribal programs, typically rely on state or local TANF offices to obtain information necessary for determining WtW eligibility. If the TANF agency directly refers the individual to the WtW program (as is often the case), the TANF agency will have typically already made a determination of the individual's WtW eligibility. If the individual is recruited directly by the tribal WtW program (for example, a walk-in) or referred by an agency other than TANF, the tribal WtW program must determine WtW eligibility. In such cases, the tribal WtW program staff generally contact the local TANF office serving the particular individual to obtain the documentation necessary to determine WtW eligibility.
The main purpose of participant assessment is to gain information needed to tailor the wide range of services available under WtW to the specific needs, employment barriers, and goals of each individual. During the intake process--generally beginning on the first day program staff come into contact with the participant--program staff begin to collect background information about the individual through in-person interviews and completion of a printed application form. Though assessment is initiated during intake, tribal programs (like their nontribal counterparts) emphasize ongoing assessment and monitoring of participants (through the case management process) throughout their involvement in the program.
The formality of the assessment process varies across tribal programs. There is no common approach to participant assessment; each grantee develops its own approach--including specific assessment forms, the sequence of steps involved in assessment, and whether standardized tests are used to assess capabilities and needs. Often the assessment process is similar to that used in other tribal programs, such as NEW, JTPA, or TANF. In site visit discussions, WtW program participants said that involvement in the assessment process helps them reevaluate their goals and establish realistic plans for achieving them. Participants also note the important contribution that project staff often made during the assessment process--helping them carefully think through their goals, assess personal strengths and weaknesses, and structure individual service plans.
An important part of the assessment process centers on the identification of specific barriers to employment that make working difficult or even impossible. Information to assess such barriers is typically collected through one-on-one interviews and, sometimes, through administration of standardized tests (for example, to measure reading/math deficiencies). Common barriers identified through this process include a lack of basic skills (especially reading and math), lack of occupational training and work experience, lack of a driver's license or automobile and other transportation-related problems, and inadequate or unavailable child care. Other common barriers identified through this process are substance abuse problems, mental health problems, and family problems (such as a sick or disabled family member). In addition, program staff note that a lack of self-confidence or self-esteem often is a critical underlying employment barrier. For example, low self-esteem may play a pivotal role in an individual's dropping out of school. Once a person drops out of school, finding a well-paying job becomes far more difficult. After long spells of receiving welfare, applicants come to the program believing that, even if a job is available, they will not be hired or they will be unable to acquire the skills needed (through education and training) to secure a good job.
For standardized testing, tribal programs typically rely on the results of formal reading/math scores provided by the referring agency (usually the TANF local office). If such results are not available or are not up-to-date, several tribal programs use standardized test instruments, such as the Test of Adult Basic Education (TABE) or the Wide-Ranging Abilities Test (WRAT). Other sites rely upon less formal methods for gauging reading/math proficiency, such as client self-assessments and having participants read materials out loud to the intake counselor. Participants at programs that have an emphasis on education and job training (such as Three Affiliated Tribes and White Earth) often have additional basic skills assessments conducted at tribal colleges or other training facilities to which participants are referred.
Most tribal WtW programs in our study sample identify individuals with substance abuse problems based on self-reports by participants (during intake interviews and ongoing discussions with participants), by observation of participants during activities, and by reports of problems by other human service agencies or employers. Such problems often become evident to program staff when an individual fails to show up for program activities or for work.
Two of the 10 tribal WtW programs (Cherokee and Three Affiliated Tribes) conduct drug/alcohol screenings of participants at the time of entry into the program or at later stages. The Cherokee conduct a hair analysis as part of the individual assessment process. Those who test positive for drugs or alcohol are ineligible for services (until they become drug-free) and are referred to the tribal employee assistance program or a substance abuse treatment provider. Although the arrangement was subsequently discontinued, Three Affiliated Tribes initially contracted with Circle of Life, an on-reservation tribal substance abuse center, to provide an initial alcohol and substance abuse evaluation for all new participants (at a cost of $50 per individual).(1) This assessment involved an interview with a counselor to determine whether the individual needed substance abuse counseling or treatment (no urine tests were administered). Individuals who needed treatment could enroll at the day treatment program at the Circle of Life (run in five-week cycles) or at inpatient programs in other localities in North Dakota (including Bismarck, Fargo, and Minot).
In most tribal sites, the results of the assessment process are formally documented in an employment development plan (EDP) or individual service strategy (ISS). This plan outlines specific participant goals and the steps the participant is to take to overcome barriers to securing a job and attaining his or her goals. The process of developing the EDP or ISS is a collaborative one between the participant and a project staff member (usually a case manager). The participant and the project staff member both sign the EDP/ISS, which is a "living" document, to be updated as a participant progresses through the program and as service needs change.
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The term "case management" refers to how program participants are individually supervised, directed, or counseled by the organizations and service providers while receiving WtW-funded services. A case manager monitors the participant. This typically includes initial assessment of client needs, referral to or coordination of services, ongoing tracking of participant progress, making changes in the EDP, and periodic documentation of employment and other outcomes. The case manager may also be the lead staff member providing direct services (for example, conducting assessment tests, teaching a job readiness workshop, or providing job referrals). Case management may also involve collaboration across organizations; for example, a tribal WtW case manager often will work closely with a TANF family support worker overseeing the same client.
The programs included in our study use two basic approaches to case management: (1) a single case manager, or (2) a team approach. In tribal programs that provide case management services through a single staff person, one staff person guides the participant throughout his or her involvement in the program--including intake and assessment, the provision of job search services, and all follow-up and monitoring activities. This approach has the advantage of providing participants with a single point of contact who is responsible for coordinating service delivery and ensuring that all of the participant's service needs are fully addressed.
Other tribal programs use a team approach, with more than one staff member (usually two, sometimes more) assigned to a participant. Each staff member has specific client-tracking responsibilities and often provides expertise in a specific area. For example, responsibilities are sometimes divided between a staff member who focuses on issues related to employment and training and another who focuses on making sure the participant receives needed support services. This approach has the advantage of enabling project staff members to specialize in an area.
For most tribal WtW programs, as for nontribal programs, case management is a client-centered, goal-oriented process for assessing participants' needs and helping ensure that they obtain the services needed to overcome barriers to employment and long-term self-sufficiency. A trusting relationship between the case manager and participant is critical to an effective case management system. Such a relationship is especially important for long-term welfare recipients, many of whom need assistance in many areas, have few resources, and have little or no formal work experience. Tribal WtW programs report that the relationship afforded through an effective case management system can make a big difference in whether a participant secures and retains employment.
Regardless of how tribal WtW programs manage their caseloads, there is general agreement that successful participant outcomes hinge on each participant having a well-developed EDP and good channels of communication among staff and agencies involved in serving the participant. Tribal sites also indicate that it is important to keep the case manager/client ratios low enough for the case manager to have the time to get to know and maintain regular contact with each client.(2) Case managers also need the flexibility to be able to devote additional time to clients in crisis or where unforeseen circumstances arise. At the sites visited, case managers typically maintain at least weekly or biweekly contact with assigned clients while they are engaged in services and prior to employment. They initiate even more frequent contact during the initial weeks of a participant's involvement in the program and at points of crisis or transition. As the participant moves into and retains employment, case manager contact gradually diminishes (perhaps to biweekly, then monthly, and finally on an as-needed basis).
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Services designed to address skill deficiencies and upgrade the long-term employability of program participants are central to the assistance offered by each tribal WtW program. Employment services (such as job readiness training and job placement assistance) are primarily designed to help participants make the transition from welfare to full-time, unsubsidized employment. Under WtW, emphasis is placed on moving participants into jobs as quickly as possible. The following section highlights and compares approaches to employment and training that tribal sites use.
As in nontribal WtW programs, tribal WtW programs emphasize job readiness training and helping participants overcome self-doubts about entry into the workforce. All of the grantees in the study provide some type of preemployment job readiness preparation for WtW participants--generally workshops or individualized counseling by project staff. Workshop sessions typically cover self-esteem, assertiveness training, motivation, time management, decision making, and career identification. They also cover resume writing, goal setting, communication/interpersonal skills, meaning and value of work, interviewing techniques, and strategies for retaining jobs and avoiding conflicts with supervisors and coworkers. Project instructors use a variety of teaching techniques in the workshops. These include small-group discussions or exercises, presentations by the instructor or special speakers, role playing, and videos. Participants usually emerge from these workshops with a polished resume and a step-by-step plan for conducting job search activities.
After a participant completes the job readiness workshop, the instructor or the WtW case manager typically works with the participant and the TANF case manager to determine next steps. Based on this decision, the participant's EDP or ISS is updated, including plans for meeting TANF work requirements. Usually, job-ready individuals begin looking for work and individuals who are not yet job ready (lacking job skills or previous job experience) enter a short-term training or work experience activity to enhance employability.
Despite the philosophy and constraints imposed by WtW, the tribal sites included in this study generally place more emphasis than nontribal WtW programs on providing preemployment education and training, and supported-work opportunities. Even under the amended WtW program rules, stand-alone preemployment training is limited to six months. While the regulations do not impose limits on postemployment E&T activities, coordination with TANF, which does have limits, may impose some TANF-related limits on WtW participants, and low funding levels may limit the duration of such activities. Despite these limits, tribes often go further than nontribal grantees in providing education and training.
This greater emphasis on preemployment education and training is related to several factors: a lack of available job openings on or near reservations, basic-skills deficiencies and lack of job-specific skills that limitimmediate job placement potential of many long-term TANF recipients, and preferences among participants and program administrators to take a longer-term approach to preparing individuals so that they can obtain better-paying, career-type jobs. In addition, the existence of 477 programs in several tribal sites (Klamath, Three Affiliated Tribes, White Earth) facilitates increased emphasis on education and training by merging funding across several sources and reducing constraints imposed by the WtW limit on preemployment training to six months.
Three Affiliated Tribes provides a good example of how some tribal WtW programs supplement the basic "work first" approach (an underpinning of WtW) by offering a range of education and training opportunities before and after employment. Under its 477 program, Three Affiliated Tribes combines funding from several sources--including WtW, NEW, WIA, and BIA Adult Vocational Training and Direct Employment--to make a range of educational and training services available to build educational credentials, job-related skills, and long-term employability of WtW participants. The main priority of Three Affiliated Tribes' 477 program is to enhance educational attainment and prospects for long-term employability of participating tribal members. Most education and training services are provided through courses at the Fort Berthold Community College (FBCC), a tribally controlled community college on the reservation (and at several other satellite locations on the reservation). Individuals who lack a high school degree can attend Adult Basic Education (ABE)/GED courses at FBCC. GED preparation ranges from 12 hours per week to 4 hours per week in other (more remote) locations on the reservation. The tribe requires TANF clients enrolled in fewer than 12 hours of GED per week to supplement their studies with paid work or unpaid work experience assignments. After 477 program participants attain a GED, they can move into postsecondary education, work experience, on-the-job training (OJT) slots, or unsubsidized work. Individuals with high school degrees or GEDs who are enrolled in the 477 program are encouraged to pursue postsecondary education--mostly two- and four-year degree programs or short-term training programs leading to a certificate.(3)
Most 477 participants become full-time students, generally taking 12 credit hours per semester. The 477 participants apply for Pell Grants, but if they are ineligible for such grants, the 477 program pays tuition.
While the Three Affiliated Tribes approach is among the most ambitious of the preemployment education and training initiatives funded (in part) by WtW, other tribal programs recognize the need to make basic education and postsecondary education and training available for WtW participants on a pre- and/or postemployment basis. For example, the same agency that operates the WtW program on the Klamath reservation also administers several programs aimed at improving employability. Klamath's College Assistance program funds tribal member studies at either two- or four-year institutions of higher education in any chosen field. The tribe's Adult Vocational Training program funds training for tribal members in the service area in any vocation or profession leading to a license or certification. Klamath's Adult Basic Education program provides tribal members in the service area with short-term, self- improvement funding for classes of interest, including the GED. The Johnson-O'Malley Act program provides supplemental education for any self-identified Native American attending public schools in prekindergarten through the 12th grade.
ABE is the main type of educational activity that the tribal programs we visited provide. Heavy use of ABE reflects the relatively high rates of school dropout on Indian reservations. WtW participants typically are referred to ABE programs (usually operated by local education authorities) on the reservation or in nearby towns. Participants usually attend ABE on a part-time basis--perhaps 8 to 12 hours a week--and are involved at the same time in other program activities (such as work experience, job search, or unsubsidized work).
Tribal WtW programs typically look to other funding sources to pay for training (for example, Pell Grants, JTPA/WIA). If other funding sources are unavailable, tribal programs use WtW funding to pay for short-term job training in high-demand occupations (such as clerical/computer skills, nurse's aide, truck driver).
Tribal programs offer temporary subsidized- and supported-work experience positions, for several reasons: lack of readily available jobs, geographic isolation of some reservations, and lack of work experience and job-specific skills among many of those served. These temporary activities are aimed at acclimatizing WtW participants to the "world of work" (for example, showing up on time, getting along with coworkers, and exhibiting appropriate work attitudes), building job-specific skills and experience, acquiring job references and building resumes, and generally improving their chances of landing a full-time job. Such positions also help some WtW participants to meet requirements under TANF (if they are subject to them) to be involved in work activities at least 30 hours per week. In some instances, grantees use subsidized work--particularly OJT--as a direct avenue for promoting full-time work, by establishing the expectation that employers will hire the worker if he or she successfully completes the trial work period.
The types of work experience slots, their duration, and the subsidy provided to employers vary both across and within programs and across participants. Following are examples of the types of subsidized work tribal programs use:
Tribal WtW programs such as those operated by the Klamath Tribes and Navajo Nation provide a continuum of employment services, helping participants with widely varying capabilities. Many WtW participants come to programs with less than a high school degree and little or no previous work experience. Therefore, programs offer work experience slots that enable participants to mix work with improving basic skills. Individuals entering such work slots (usually part-time positions with tribal agencies) typically engage in about 20 hours of work per week. They then participate in several other activities aimed at enhancing employability (for example, 8 to 12 hours of GED preparation and several hours of job readiness preparation or job search activity). Participants in such slots are generally paid using WtW, NEW, or TANF funds (or with other employment and training funds if the program is a 477 program) at or near a minimum-wage level.
Tribal WtW programs also use OJT to ease the transition from welfare to unsubsidized work. Such slots typically are used for individuals who are more job ready than those entering work experience slots, but who are still unable to obtain unsubsidized employment on their own or who need additional training to secure longer-term, higher-paying positions. This alternative is available to all tribal WtW programs; the programs included in this study use OJT sparingly, however, because of difficulty in finding employers to sponsor OJTs and a preference for securing unsubsidized rather than subsidized positions whenever possible.
When OJT is used, tribal WtW administrators negotiate slots with local employers to include both productive work and training. Some OJT is arranged through referral to another program, such as WIA/JTPA. The training component of OJT typically begins with an initial orientation to the job. For example, the employer sponsoring the OJT provides a one- or two-week orientation in a classroom setting or a one-on-one meeting with a supervisor, providing guidance on general workplace policies, as well as instruction on how to perform actual work tasks. Employers typically assign a work supervisor or instructor to provide detailed instruction and help with work tasks and to monitor performance and troubleshoot problems as they emerge in the workplace. Workplace instruction is sometimes accompanied by more formal instruction in a classroom setting, either directly by the employer or at a nearby educational institution, to build job-specific skills and productivity.
As under WIA and in other nontribal WtW programs, OJT slots at the tribal WtW sites visited in this study are for up to six months. The tribal WtW programs typically pay 50 percent of the worker's wage. If the individual successfully completes training, the employer is expected to hire him or her as a full-time employee (with full benefits) at the end of the training period. Tribal programs indicate that, in identifying OJT slots, they looked for positions in high-demand occupations, with long-term employment prospects, advancement potential, and an attractive package of fringe benefits (especially health care). They also look for employers willing to commit supervisory staff to provide hands-on training and mentoring.
All of the tribal WtW grantees in the study provide postemployment or placement support. They monitor employment status, troubleshoot problems that could lead to job loss or return to welfare, and provide support services (especially transportation assistance) needed to maintain employment. All programs dedicate counselors or case managers to follow up regularly with WtW participants placed in jobs. At a minimum, most programs conduct follow-up telephone calls to employed participants monthly for six months following placement to collect data for reporting on outcomes. Usually, client contacts are more frequent--often daily for the first few days after employment starts, then weekly for the first month or two, then gradually tapering off to semi-monthly and monthly. In some cases--particularly where difficulties arise or troubleshooting is needed--program staff visit participants at their homes or at the workplace. Program staff also periodically contact employers by telephone or in person to check on participants' progress and to address workplace problems/issues (for example, conflicts with coworkers/supervisors, absenteeism, poor performance on the job, attitudinal problems) before they lead to job loss.
Tribal WtW programs urge participants to contact program staff if they run into problems in the workplace, at home, or elsewhere. Participants might need support services (for example, help with car repair, child care assistance, or skill upgrading) to maintain employment. Where possible, tribal programs try to link regular receipt of support services during the six-month period following job placement--such as reimbursement for mileage, distribution of transportation passes, or child care--to regular contacts between WtW program staff and the participant. For example, participants might be required to stop by the WtW program office weekly or semi-monthly to obtain reimbursement or vouchers, at which time program staff can quickly check up on the participant's progress and discuss any emerging problems. Alternatively, WtW program staff might stop by periodically (semi-monthly) at the participant's worksite or home to drop off child care or transportation vouchers and, at the same time, pick up a time card showing work hours and wages.
Beyond ongoing case management and support services, tribal WtW programs make a range of education and training services available to help WtW participants retain and advance in their jobs. While all tribal WtW programs make education and training available to individuals as a postemployment service, tribal sites we visited report that they often have few takers for such assistance. Once placed in jobs (especially full-time jobs), WtW participants find that, unless employers provide paid work time for them to attend education or training (for example, work four days and have a fifth day devoted to classroom instruction), they have little additional time available to devote to upgrading skills, given the need to attend to their children and other household responsibilities.
Tribal WtW programs do not regularly provide help with building basic or job-related skills as a postemployment service. When programs do provide such assistance, it is typically through referrals to other education or workforce development agencies. For example, once employed, a WtW participant might attend a basic skills/GED preparation workshop several times a week sponsored by the tribe or by a local educational authority (such as a local school district or a tribal or community college) in a nearby city or town. Tribal WtW programs also help participants secure tuition assistance through WIA/JTPA, Pell Grants, and other tribally sponsored educational programs for short-term job-specific skills training and for longer-term education leading to two-year and (in rarer instances) four-year postsecondary education degrees.
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Sites included in this study commonly make available a variety of supportive services, either directly by WtW programs or through referral arrangement. The tribal grantees offer transportation assistance, referral to child care, referral for substance abuse treatment/counseling, uniforms or other clothing needed to get or keep a job, help obtaining work tools and equipment, and help securing a driver's license and other forms of identification.
The tribal WtW programs in our study have found that it is essential to respond to the difficulties tribal members face in getting to and from program activities and employer sites. Among the most common transportation-related barriers are geographic isolation of reservations from major employment sectors (resulting in lengthy and costly travel to worksites), lack of public transportation, poor roads, lack of valid driver's licenses, lack of automobile ownership, and need for help with automobile repairs. Because WtW funds are limited, tribal programs generally try to draw on the resources of other programs (especially TANF funding) before using WtW funds to cover transportation costs. Where other funding is not available, tribal WtW programs provide participants with bus tokens/passes (if such service exists), agency-operated van services, reimbursement for gas mileage, and payments for car repairs or auto insurance. For example, under Three Affiliated Tribes' 477 program, participants who attend and make satisfactory progress in education or work experience activities receive a $50 transportation stipend every two weeks. This stipend is to help with the purchase of gas (there is no public transportation on the reservation). In addition (though not yet publicized by the tribes and not much used), participants may receive up to $250 per year to offset costs of car repair.
At most tribal sites (except for Cherokee), the lack of readily accessible child care is a major impediment to securing and retaining employment for WtW participants. Many sites do not have enough certified providers to serve the needs of WtW participants and others on the reservation. Obtaining child care can be especially difficult in Indian country because of such factors as the lack of public or other reliable transportation; large distances between the parent's home, the child care provider, and the place of employment; a harsh climate; and cultural factors. For example, reservation casinos (e.g., Cherokee, Red Lake, White Earth) often operate 24 hours each day, every day of the year, and many provide child care facilities that are open when the casino is open. However, many parents who have a shift that ends late at night or in the morning are reluctant to bring a child to the facility--wanting to avoid awakening the child and transporting the child home at such an hour, especially in the below-zero winter temperatures in an unreliable personal automobile or in a van operated by the casino. Another problem is that some states will not pay for child care provided by close relatives of the child. In contrast to other areas of the United States, it is common in Indian country for relatives to live near each other on tribal lands. In such circumstances, parents generally prefer that a close relative, often a grandparent, provide child care while the parent is working or performing activities required by the WtW, TANF, or other program. Where the state will not pay for such child care, an unintended effect of federally funded child care and development initiatives is to foster disincentives for the provision of child care by close relatives of children served by the TANF, WtW, and CCDF programs.
WtW programs typically look to TANF to pay for child care (including transitional care after the individual becomes employed). Because of the high cost of child care and budgetary constraints, WtW programs generally pay for child care only on an emergency basis or when an individual is just starting child care, until TANF payment can be arranged. Several tribal WtW programs, in conjunction with TANF or other tribal employment and training programs, have developed programs to train tribal members to become certified child care providers, then match these new providers with WtW participants in need of child care.
In response to widespread problems of alcohol and substance abuse, all tribal WtW programs make counseling and treatment available, but they often struggle to get participants connected with available services. Tribal WtW administrators report that significant numbers of those attempting to make their way off the TANF rolls face problems of addiction themselves or have a family member with debilitating substance abuse problems. These problems are often deep-seated, stretching back over several generations and affecting multiple family members, and pose a significant barrier to employment. Problems with addiction often are long-standing and are not readily acknowledged by participants coming into programs. Administrators report that many individuals with serious substance abuse problems are in denial about the extent of their addiction and resist seeking or accepting help.
As part of the assessment process and ongoing case management, WtW project staff typically ask about past or current problems with substance abuse, as well as mental health and family violence problems. Two of the 10 tribal WtW sites visited (Cherokee and Three Affiliated Tribes) administer a formal drug-screening test.(4)
Other sites depend primarily upon participants to offer information on problems with drugs and alcohol, and on staff to observe the erratic behavior, poor attendance, or loss of jobs that might suggest an addiction problem.(5) In some instances, private-sector employers detect substance abuse problem in drug tests that are part of their hiring process.
Tribal WtW programs generally refer participants with suspected alcohol and substance abuse problems to the tribal alcohol and substance abuse treatment programs for evaluation and, if appropriate, counseling and treatment. WtW programs do not typically have substance abuse counselors on their staff, though case managers are well versed in identifying individuals with suspected problems and knowing what resources are available on and off of the reservation for counseling and treatment. The tribal WtW programs in the study are well connected with residential and outpatient treatment facilities--most programs indicate that, if there is a serious problem and participants want help, they can usually get individuals into treatment within a week or less. Despite availability of a range of treatment alternatives, WtW staff report that it was not unusual to encounter resistance on the part of the participants or other family members to obtaining such help. Even individuals who seek and receive treatment often come back to the same environment or family situation that contributed to their addiction in the first place and find it difficult to avoid relapsing into addiction.
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1. After about a year of conducting screenings, Three Affiliated Tribes' 477 program stopped referring individuals to the Circle of Life for alcohol and substance abuse screening. 477 program staff indicated concern that up to three-quarters of those referred never showed up for the screening and that many of those screened were reluctant to take part in the treatment programs. While it was not clearly stated why the screenings were stopped, lack of follow-through by those referred and, perhaps, budgetary constraints appeared to be contributing factors.
2. Six of the WtW programs in the study were small, with 30 or fewer active participants and one or two staff working part-time on WtW and other programs. The multiple responsibilities of such staff make it difficult to interpret case manager/client ratios.
3. Most 477 program participants enroll in two-year programs offered through FBCC. Some of the most popular course offerings at FBCC are computer science, licensed practical nursing, early childhood development, construction trades, elementary or secondary education, and business administration. The 477 participants may also choose to enroll in certificate or degree programs in other localities in and outside of North Dakota. A popular choice is the United Tribes Community College in Bismarck (operated by the four tribes in North Dakota), which offers programs in nursing, policing, plumbing, welding, early childhood development, and other occupational training.
4. See Section B.2.
5. In many tribal WtW programs, the lack of a standard screening for alcohol and substance abuse is mitigated, to some degree, because people with actual or suspected alcohol and substance abuse problems are generally known as such in the community.
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