Understanding the AFDC/TANF Child-Only Caseload:
Policies, Composition, and Characteristics in Three States
Chapter 4:
Summary Findings and
Implications for Future Research
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Summary Findings
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National and State Level Findings
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TANF Child-only Caseload in Three Counties
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Characteristics of Child-Only Cases and Caregivers on the
Case
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Transitions into Child-Only Status
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Earnings and Income
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TANF Child-Only Policies and Practices in Three States
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Implications for Future Research
The preceding chapters revealed a number of interesting findings regarding
the policies, composition, and characteristics of child-only cases.
It is important to note that this study represents the information that was
available during the summer of 1999; states are creating new programs and
modifying their TANF policies in ways that could affect child-only caseloads
in the future. In addition, this study was limited to information that
was available from state administrative systems and TANF case files.
This chapter summarizes the findings and concludes with ideas for future
research on this important topic.
After significant growth in the early 1990s, the child-only caseload has
leveled off nationally; however, due to continued reductions in the regular
TANF caseload, the proportion of child-only cases continues to grow.
While all states have experienced growth in the numbers and relative proportion
of their child-only caseloads since the early 1990s, recent changes vary
significantly among states.
Nationally, the composition of child-only cases has changed since 1988;
parent-headed cases due to sanction, SSI receipt, and alien status have grown
more rapidly than non-parental caregiver cases.
State TANF policies affect the number and composition of child-only cases
in each state. The main policies are as follows:
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Time limits. Application of time limits to the entire
family is less likely to lead directly to child-only cases than when applied
only to the case head; however, over time whole family time limits may create
child-only cases under the auspices of either protective payees or non-parental
caregivers.
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Sanctions. Sanctions that remove the adult from the
assistance unit create child-only cases; sanctions that reduce the grant,
but keep the adult in the assistance unit do not. Whole family sanctions
may create child-only cases if protective payees are utilized to provide
resources for the child(ren).
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Alien status. State policies on qualified aliens who
entered the country before or after August 1996 determine whether adults
in those families may be included in the TANF case; children born in the
United States to ineligible aliens will be child-only cases.
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Referral to SSI. Policies to actively refer TANF case
heads with disabilities to SSI may increase the number of child-only
cases. On the other hand, the few states that include SSI benefits
in the TANF grant determination, should see a reduction in the number of
child-only cases.
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Non-parental caregivers. States have the flexibility
to develop their own definition of family; some states allow non-relatives
who have guardianship or legal custody to apply for TANF benefits and others
limit benefits to relative caregivers or parents. A state's definition
of "family" and the requirements imposed on non-parental caregiver cases
should affect the number of child-only cases.
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Alternate state programs. Creation of alternate relative
caregiver programs may result in a shift of cases from TANF into the alternative
programs; depending on state financing choices these cases may or may not
be counted as TANF child-only cases.
The case file data collection effort revealed the following key findings
regarding the characteristics of the child-only cases and the caregivers
on these cases, the pathways by which the cases became child-only, and the
household income of these cases.
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Non-parental caregiver cases comprise two-thirds of child-only cases in Jackson
and Duval Counties while most of the remaining cases are due to parental
receipt of SSI; the Alameda County caseload is more evenly divided among
non-parental caregiver, SSI, alien, and sanctioned cases.
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The typical child-only case has two children in the assistance unit; there
are somewhat fewer children in non-parental caregiver units than in parental
caregiver units. Nearly all of the focal children are of the same ethnic
background as their caregiver, including non-parental caregiver cases.
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Caregivers in child-only cases are older than those in regular TANF cases;
within the child-only caseload, non-parental caregivers are substantially
older than parental caregivers.
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56 to 63 percent of non-parental caregivers are over 50 years old;
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21 to 34 percent are over age 60; and
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6 to 9 percent are over age 70.
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Two-thirds of non-parental caregivers are grandparents. Over 20 percent
are aunts or uncles. It is not uncommon for great-grandparents to be
caregivers. Non-parental caregivers are almost always relatives tot
he children.
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While most child-only caregivers are not currently married, non-parental
caregivers are more likely to be married than parental caregivers.
Non-parental caregivers, despite being older, are more likely to report
employment than parental caregivers.
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The length of time on TANF is related to the age of the focal child.
Thus, it is evident that children residing with non-parental caregivers in
Alameda and Duval have older children and have received child-only TANF on
the current case longer than those children residing with parents in these
counties. In Jackson, however, children residing with parents have
older children, on average, and have been receiving child-only TANF for a
longer period of time than their counterparts residing with non-parental
caregivers. Most absent parents were under age 40, single, and unemployed
when on TANF.
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The reasons why a child comes to reside with a non-parental caregiver vary
widely; major reasons include desertion, substance abuse, incarceration,
child abuse, and neglect on the part of the parent.
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Most focal children have resided with one caregiver while receiving TANF;
however, a substantial proportion residing with a non-parental caregiver
(from 35 to 43 percent) have resided with multiple caregivers, usually their
parents, while receiving TANF. A significant proportion of parental
child-only cases had once been regular TANF cases (21 to 53 percent).
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Non-parental caregivers report higher incomes than parental caregivers and
are less likely to receive SSI, food stamps, and Medicaid than parental
caregivers. However, TANF grant amounts are similar, on average, for
the two groups.
This study examined the child-only policies and practices in California,
Florida, and Missouri and found a range of policies that could influence
the size and composition of child-only cases, including the following:
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With the exception of sanctioned cases in some states, child-only cases are
not subject to time limits, nor are child-only caregivers required to work
or participate in employment-related activities. The caregivers generally
do not have access to employment-related services.
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Non-parental caregivers are subject to fewer requirements and receive less
money and support services than foster care parents. There is very
little interaction between the TANF workers and the CPS or foster care staffs
in the three counties visited.
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Newly created relative care programs in all three states offer higher payments
than TANF, require legal guardianship or court supervision of the child,
and some level of background review, licensing, and/or training for the
caregiver. States are using some combination of TANF, MOE, and state
and local funding to support these programs.
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At the time of this study, no special plans were being made to serve the
child-only cases in the counties visited, within the scope of the regular
TANF program. While they make up an increasing proportion of the TANF
caseload (68 percent in Duval County), child-only cases are perceived as
easier to work than regular cases.
Future research is still needed to answer the following questions:
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How are states implementing alternative programs for
relatives?
All three states visited had either recently initiated or were planning
implementation of alternative programs. Future studies could document
the extent to which such programs are either in place or in process around
the country and collect information on their structures and
characteristics. Case studies could examine practices as well as the
characteristics of the children and the caregivers.
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How will time-limited cash assistance affect the child-only
caseloads?
Full-family time limits have the potential to lead to the creation of either
protective payee child-only cases or to non-parental caregiver cases.
Future research can examine more carefully what happens to the children in
families that use up their TANF benefits. Do they stay with their natural
family? Do their families receive benefits through protective
payees? Do the children move in with relatives and return to TANF as
child-only cases? How are these children faring?
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Do children on child-only cases move from caregiver to caregiver
or tend to stay on one case until they age out of the program (i.e., turn
18 years old)?
Since most child-only cases are not subject to time limits (with the exception
of sanctioned cases in some states), future research could track a group
of focal children over time to document whether they reside with the same
caregivers and whether they continue to receive TANF until they age out of
the program. One could examine these questions for children in both
parental and non-parental cases.
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What proportion of child-only cases is comprised of recent immigrants
due to PRWORA restrictions?
The child-only cases examined in Alameda, Duval, and Jackson did not include
any qualified aliens who entered the country after August 1996 who were
ineligible for TANF benefits (California is providing benefits to these
individuals using state money; the Duval and Jackson TANF caseloads have
relatively few immigrants). Further studies could examine this group
of immigrants to assess what services they are receiving and how they are
managing compared to qualified aliens who entered the country prior to the
enactment of PRWORA.
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How is child support enforcement handled for non-parental child-only
cases?
Non-parental caregivers are required to supply information to help the state
locate the children's parents, unless the non-parental caregiver has good
cause for not cooperating. Then states can seek child support from
both or either parent in non-parental child-only cases. Additional
research is needed to assess the extent to which non-parental caregivers
are supplying information regarding the absent parents, are unable to supply
this information (i.e., they have no knowledge of the whereabouts of the
parents), or have good cause for not cooperating.
Also of interest is understanding whether state child support agencies are
vigorously pursuing these cases. When the caregiver assigns child support
payments as a condition of eligibility, the federal and state governments
retain all or nearly all child support payments from current TANF cases.
As the child-only caseload continues to increase as a proportion of the overall
TANF caseload, and if collections lag for child-only cases, both the federal
and state governments may experience a drop in retained TANF collections.
Where to?
Main Page
Table of Contents:
Executive Summary
National Overview
TANF Child-Only Policies and Practices in Three
States
Characteristics of the TANF Child-Only Caseload in Three
Counties
Summary Findings and Implications for Future Research
Home Pages:
Human Services Policy
(HSP)
Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation
(ASPE)
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
(HHS)
Last modified on 3/27/00